On challenging Mubarak to an open presidential contest

JULY 18th 2005.

Every human act starts as an idea in the mind of an individual. When expressed out loud it assumes an independent life of its own. A free intellectual responds only to his/her conscience and speaks truth to power. On these grounds, we were the first to alert the people of the Arab world to the scheme of rulers grooming their sons to inherit power, in a series of articles widely published in 1999 and 2000. The final article, "al Gumlukia," which specifically mentioned Gamal Mubarak, appeared on June 30th, 2000, and I was arrested later that night. Along with 27 young associates, I suffered through three years of trials and imprisonment—during which my health seriously deteriorated—until our final acquittal by Egypt's Highest Appeals Court.

We do not believe that our struggle was in vain, because over these three years other voices and other forces joined ours. Now there is a groundswell of steadfast opposition in Egypt, symbolized by the creative tactics and banners of "Kifaya"—saying a loud "ENOUGH" to the Mubarak regime.

Ten months ago in October 2004, we were the first to challenge Mubarak to an open presidential contest. At the time, it looked like a long shot, but we wanted to puncture the wall of fear and show that Egyptians have an alternative to six more years of the Mubarak regime. Soon, three other courageous citizens announced their candidacy for President. Until the end of January 2005, Mubarak persisted in refusing to open the presidential process for contestation.

A third idea, accompanied by a defiant act, was to call for and practice civil disobedience, with a series of public rallies between November and late January. This encouraged others to follow suit. Now no single day goes by in Egypt without a demonstration.

These domestic actions coincided with dramatic events in Palestine, Iraq, Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia, and helped focus international attention on Arab aspirations for liberty and democracy.

Only then, in response to mounting pressure from inside and outside the country, did Mubarak finally concede to a constitutional reform of one article only.

Though limited, it was initially well received. But it became clear over the following five months that a series of maneuvers and deceptive acts by the
regime emptied that one proposed amendment of any spirit or content. The resulting amended article and elections law effectively keep all independent, serious contenders out of the race.

Mubarak may have deceived some in the outside world with these cosmetic, token changes, but he has failed completely in deceiving his own people. Now there is near consensus among all major political parties and civil society forces in refusing to be part of the farcical election process, redolent with Tunisian-style ploys—hand-picked candidates that are easily defeated by the regime.

In solidarity with the national coalition of democratic forces that are calling for a boycott of this political farce, I must declare my withdrawal as a presidential contender. I will throw my energy and support into a serious and objective election monitoring process, to be conducted by national and international volunteers. We will work toward open and fair parliamentary elections in November and toward future presidential elections conducted at a higher standard. This would entail a full review and revision of political articles of the constitution, lifting of emergency laws, withdrawal of the National Democratic Party from control of the electoral process, media, and party registration, and from the political life of this great country.

Egypt deserves better.

Dr Saad Eddin Ibrahim