JULY 05 Issue

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Civil Society

 


Section (Women and the Marginalized)

The Egyptian Coptic Church’s Troubling Declaration

Although Egypt’s Copts have received no assurances from President Mubarak that their long–held demands will be fulfilled, the Egyptian Coptic Church has nonetheless declared its official support for President Mubarak’s reelection bid. The announcement astounded many Copts, who immediately expressed dissatisfaction with the Church's irresponsible decision; one which they believe does not reflect the attitude of most Copts.

It is particularly surprising that the Coptic Church would take such a deferential stance. Unlike Al-Azhar scholars or the Minister of Endowment, who naturally owe allegiance to the regime that installed them in their posts and pays their monthly salaries, the Coptic Church enjoys a high degree of autonomy from government control.

This surprising decision has motivated a number of Coptic observers to ask whether it represents the beginning of a new strategy for the Church, a departure from its previous neutrality toward a more active involvement in politics. Many Copts also wondered whether the Church’s decision would be biNding on the entire community, and how the regime would then deal with those who refused allegiance to the president.

In fact, the Church’s decision could be considered a direct message to discourage prominent Coptic opposition figures from confronting the regime. Among these, the two most prominent are Adel Abadeer, a Copt who recently declared his intention to run for the presidency, and George Isak, the general co-coordinator of the Kifaya ("Enough") movement. In a few short months, Kifaya has succeeded in attracting and mobilizing an impressive number of adherents seeking to prevent President Mubarak from winning a fifth term and opposing a hereditary presidency.

The Church’s decision will unquestionably inflict damage on the Copts' struggle to restore their rights. It may also give the impression that the Copts' demands have already been satisfactorily met by the regime even though it still retains a number of discriminatory laws. Current rules impinge upon Copts' religious freedom and violate basic political rights, including eligibility to occupy top official positions within the government.

It seems that the Egyptian Coptic Church has now succumbed to the regime's dominance, in much the same way that the regime has manipulated mosques to mobilize support for it. Coptic activists now face an uphill struggle to persuade their Church to withdraw a declaration that will weaken Copts’ efforts to regain their rights.

The Women who Challenged Morocco's Monarchy


Moroccan activist Nadia Yassin, daughter of the Supreme Guide of the banned but still-powerful Islamist Justice and Charity Organization (IJCO), faces trial for criticizing the Moroccan monarchy and calling for a republican system to replace it. The Moroccan Press Code imposes harsh financial penalties and even imprisonment for defamation or libel and also for anything deemed disparaging to the Monarchy. If convicted, Ms. Yassin faces a prison term of three to five years and a large fine.
Ms. Yassin, who said that the monarchy had so dramatically deteriorated that it would ultimately collapse, is not the first prominent Moroccan to call for a republican system to replace the monarchy—she was preceded by activists Abdel Reheem el-Ghameay and Abdellaha Zezaz, who made similar demands. The regime's harsh reaction to Ms. Yassin seems to stem from her powerful position within the banned IJCO which like the Muslim Brotherhood organization in Egypt still tolerated by the regime. Some Moroccan activists fear that Yassin's arrest—a great affront to the IJCO—may provoke the group to abandon its nonviolent approach, a situation that might draw Morocco into a quagmire like that of neighboring Algeria.

Yassin's statement of political opinion cannot reasonably be categorized as defamation or libel. It is an act of expression to which every Moroccan citizen should be entitled, as is plainly stipulated by the Moroccan constitution. Therefore, Arab civil society organizations should back Ms. Yassin's current legal battle and pressure the Moroccan regime to put an end to the unfair trial which she faces.

Civil Society
 
 

 
 
   
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