If Not Mubarak, Then Who?

By Hassan Elsawaf

It is a shame when trying to write a column of some quality in which matters are dealt with in an analytical and rational manner, to have to stoop down to the level of discussing an issue such as this. Unfortunately, it must be addressed as it has found its way to even the most refined gatherings of Egyptian society and is contaminating the minds of many.
In the inevitable outcome of any political discussion nowadays is the sobering question: can you give me the name of one candidate better qualified to run the country than Mubarak?
With that resounding crescendo, combined with rampant torpor, regime lovers sit back comfortably in their seats, gloating triumphantly over their closing statement, as though an imaginary jury would have no recourse but to rule in their favour. What they’re saying, effectively, is the following: ‘Look around you. Is there anyone out there capable of steering this country in these precarious conditions? Is it not too much of a risk to bring in someone new who could possibly turn Egypt into a theocracy, Taliban style? Hasn’t Mubarak at least managed to keep us out of war and living in relative prosperity? Can’t you appreciate the fact that you still eat well, travel when you want to and say much more than you ever could dream of under Nasser or even Sadat? So what if there’s plenty of corruption going around, this country was always corrupt? So what if Mubarak is a dictator, this country has always made pharaohs out of its rulers?’ And so on…
What most of us miss when contemplating the future of Egypt is that it is the system under which we are ruled that it is far more important to change than the ruler. Ideally, even with Mubarak around, if we are free to probe as citizens with inalienable rights into the details of his personal finances, if we have free and fair elections, if we feel we are human beings and not cattle, if the justice system is really just, and many other ifs, we would be far better off.
The problem, as the reign of Vladimir Putin in Russia has so clearly demonstrated, is that you cannot teach an old dog new tricks. A man accustomed to authoritarian rule, to unquestioned orders, to unilateral decisions, to an obsequious entourage, to a cosmetic parliament, cannot suddenly change course and accept a new set of stifling rules. His disdain for his people and his connivance or indifference with the way his security forces are dealing with peaceful demonstrations, torture in custody, upholding authoritarian emergency laws, to name but a few of his defects, make it imperative for him to leave if there is any hope for Egypt’s future.
It is paradoxical that the very defects that are used to keep Mubarak on are the creation of Mubarak and his never-ending days in office. We cannot see an alternative to Mubarak among seventy two million Egyptians, not owing to lack of ability, but because the regime methodically suppresses any potential rival as well as intimidates an entire population into apathy and fear.
It is ironic to insist on the prevalence of certain important criteria such as education as prerequisites for a democratic transformation if you consider ho much it is in the vested interest of the regime to maintain low education levels. That is perhaps an inadvertent outcome of the shambles this country has become, whereas a more perceptive mind might see poor education as a deliberate strategy designed to attenuate the thrust of an enlightened opposition.
In my book, a nation that has been reduced to worrying about a successor to its existing leader needs to pulverise that very leader for having brought it down to that level. I have nothing personal against the man. I wish him no harm. I just love my country and want something better for it than what Mubarak has been able to deliver in almost a quarter of a century.
Before we begin to worry about his successor, let us remember that it is the bigoted and dogmatic mentality instilled by the Mubarak regime that has brought on the fatalistic belief that he is irreplaceable.