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Egypt Scuttles Final Declaration
of the Forum for the Future by Jennye Greene
The Forum for the Future, taking place
November 11-12 in Manama, Bahrain, was
organized as an opportunity for local civil society
groups, business leaders, and BMENA and G-8
governments to sit down together as partners
working towards greater democracy and prosperity
for the region. The meeting, however, failed to
produce a final declaration as result of Egypt's
adamant insistence on language that would have
restricted the broad access of local NGOs to grants
from the newly formed Foundation.As the hosts not
only aspired to have unanimity but also felt it
imperative to have the most populous Arab country
on board, Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul Gheit's
dissenting position thus rendered impossible the
publication of anything more than an executive
summary.
The Egyptian government insisted that funds
only be given to legally registered and approved
NGOs, claiming that otherwise the money might
end up in the hands of radical Islamists. Clearlythough
the government's true agenda is to prevent
the rise of any nascent and potentially important
sources of opposition by controlling the flow of
resources. Additionally, the Egyptian position may
have been motivated by the deep-seated enmity the
government feels for Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim, whose
presence, as he described it, sitting there with them
at the same table, was hard for the Egyptian
Government to swallow. The proposed
modifications would have notably excluded the Ibn
Khaldun Center (which operates as a private
corporation precisely to avoid the web of
bureaucratic domination the Ministry of Social
Affairs casts over legally registered NGOs) from
receiving grants from the Foundation. And indeed,
the government would surely jump at any occasion,
if not to altogether remove this thorn from its side, at
least to narrow its resource base.
That the conference concluded without a public,
unanimous declaration came as a great
disappointment toWashington, which was no doubt
counting on the success of this meeting as a key
componeAnt of its new initiative to spread democracy
and stability to the BMENA region. It must also
have been particularly dismaying that the sole
dissenting voice came from a long-time ally and the
number two-ranking recipient of American foreign
aid (after Israel). What could have possibly pushed
Cairo to so boldly cross Washington on an issue it
well knew was important to U.S. interests in the
region?
A likely explanation lies in the fact that the
Egyptian regime, unlike the Gulf monarchies which
can control civil society through alliances with tribal
communities, is more vulnerable to destabilization
via civil society pressures. Egypt does not have the
tribal tradition of rule by consensus and shura
council but rather has historically been one of the
most centralized and hierarchical civilizations in the
world. As such, grassroots mobilizations pose a
greater threat to the regime. Also unlike the regional
monarchies, the planned succession of the Egyptian
executive office could be threatened by increased
mass participation. Finally, it must not be forgotten
that the Egyptian government is particularly
sensitive to such concerns after this year's shocking
ground-swell of civil society activity (notably from
Kefaya and the Muslim Brotherhood).
For all these reasons, Egypt felt itself to be toeing
the line of real political opening and was thus willing
to accept the moral consequences of its actions in
Bahrain, consequences which Dr. Ibrahim had the
pleasure of handing to them directly. Upon exiting
the closed-door meeting, Dr. Ibrahim, always an
advocate of transparency, took the initiative to
"Name and Shame" them as he announced that it
was the Egyptian government alone that was
responsible for scuttling the final declaration.
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