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August 06 Newsletter
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Al-Qaeda Returns to Its Egyptian Roots
Blake Hounshell,
The number two man in
al-Qaeda, the Egyptian doctor Ayman al-Zawahiri, made waves when he announced on
August 5th via a taped statement that five members of the Egyptian Is . lamic
Group (EIG) had joined al-Qaeda. Ominously, he implied that they were just the
tip of the iceberg.
The revelation seemed to confirm what many terrorism analysts
have been saying for some time: that the American response to September 11th has
radicalized the region and made recruiting an easy task for al- Qaeda. Excerpts
of the video, in which Al-Zawahiri appeared with the little-known Mohamed Khalil
al-Hekayema, originally aired on the al-Jazeera satellite channel.
Al-Hekayema, whose nom de guerre is “Abu Jihad al-Masry,” was
among those arrested after the assassination of President al-Sadat in 1981, when
he was a young man. After leaving prison he participated in founding the Islamic
Group of Aswan, and was one of the members of its Shura (consultative) council.
He was re-arrested several times, until he left Egypt in 1988. He eventually
found his way to Afghanistan, where he fought against the Soviets. As for al-Zawahiri,
he has a history of criticizing fellow Islamists over tactics and strategy,
which he equates to cowardice and even to collaboration with the American and
Zionist enemies. He wrote a book in 1991 called The Bitter Harvest,
in which he denounced the Muslim Brotherhood for its failure to uphold the
banner of jihad. Later, according to the biography of him by Islamist lawyer
Montasser al-Zayyat, The Road to
Al-Qaeda, Al-Zawahiri was staunchly
opposed to the EIG’s historic 1997 renunciationof violence, which it calls
simply “the initiative.” EIG leaders were quick to deny al-Zawahiri’s news. The
group’s current head, former student radical and al-Sadat assassination
co-conspirator Karam Zuhdi, appeared on the al-Arabiya satellite channel three
days later to call the announcement “a lie.” Zuhdi noted that of the prominent
names listed by al-Zawahiri—among them the famous “blind Sheikh”
Omar Abdel Rahman—two are in prison, one lives in Germany and
has publicly denied joining al-Qaeda, and another is located in London—and none
had actually joined al-Qaeda. He added that, in any case, al-Hekayema was never
really an EIG leader, since he was merely a “small child” when he left Egypt.
The damage control continued when the pan-Arab daily al-Sharq al-Awsat ran an interview on August 14th with Dr. Nageh
Ibrahim, another former student leader who was imprisoned after the
assassination of Anwar al-Sadat. He is currently the “chief theorist” of the
group. Ibrahim accused al-Zawahiri of seeking publicity at a time when Hezbollah, and to a lesser
extent Hamas, embroiled in fierce fighting with Israel, were occupying the bulk
of public attention. Affirming his group’s commitment to peaceful political
activities and to the “revisionist” books that it issued after September 11th,
2001, Ibrahim drew adistinction between his own group and al-Qaeda, sayingthat
“their aim is jihad, and our
aim is Islam.”Among the revisions, which were covered extensively in al-Sharq al-Awsat, is al-Qaeda’s Strategy: Mistakes and
Dangers by Sheikh Mohamed Essam Eddin
Derbala. Derbala’s book is remarkable in that he rejects the idea that the United States is engaged in a war against Islam, arguing instead that, like any other nation, the U.S. seeks to promote its interests
abroad. In a painstaking effortthat runs to 365 pages, Derbala credits the
United
States with coming to the aid of Muslims in Bosnia and
Somalia during the 1990s. Moreover, he asserts that while U.S. policies are
certainly biased towards Israel, al-Qaeda’s bombings of civilians have actually
fostered more enmity towards Islam. Al-Zayyat makes
similar arguments in The Road to al-Qaeda, saying: “We all
agree that standing up to the United States is an Islamic duty. The point of
disagreement among Islamists, and especially betweenal-Zawahiri and me, is how
best to deal with the world’s superpower.” Islamic movements that had nothing to
do with September 11th, he adds, have paid the price for al-Qaeda’s folly.
As Ibrahim admitted to al-Sharq al-Awsat, there is a great
deal of skepticism in Egypt about the revisions, to which this latest tape is
likely to add. EIG has certainly had its flirtations with al-Qaeda, and the
lines between EIG and other groups such as Islamic Jihad are often blurry.
Former head of EIG’s Shura Council Rifa’i Ahmed Taha, whom al-Zawahiri
mentionedin his tape, originally agreed in 1998 that EIG would join the
“International Front Against the Jews and Crusaders” (al-Qaeda). Taha was well
known to be opposed to the “initiative.” But the vast majority of EIG members
remained committed to it, and Taha has since claimed that he had agreed over the
telephone and consequently did not fully understand al-Qaeda’s fatwa. According
to Ibrahim, EIG asked that its name be removed from the Front immediately
because his organization “does not believe in the creed of killing by
nationality,” and because al-Qaeda tends to generalize about its enemies in a
way that distorts Islamic law. Both EIG and Islamic Jihad gave up on fighting
the Egyptian state, but al-Zawahiri merely shifted his focus toward “the far
enemy,” i.e. the United States, whereas EIG devoted itself to peaceful
organizing and preaching. Its leaders are eager to distance themselves from al-Zawahiri
and al-Qaeda, and they have rushed to condemn various terrorist attacks in Egypt
over the past two years. In recognition of ,or more likely in exchange for this
good behavior, the Egyptian government has been periodically releasingEIG
members over the past several years: around 1,000 in 2003, over 700 in 2004, and
another 900 in 2006, among them Ibrahim and Zuhdi.
Some members of al- Zawahiri’s former group, Islamic Jihad,
typically the more hardline and secretive of the two major Egyptian jihadi
factions, have reportedly completed their own intellectual revisions from prison
in the hopes of being released. Many members of Islamic Jihad were subsumed into
al-Qaeda in 1998 when the former went bankrupt, while the rest abandoned the
fight or cooled their heels in jail. Now, this last faction is ready to make a
change. It may seem paradoxical that both EIG and the remnants of Islamic
Jihad would seek reconciliation even as the region is growing more radical. But
one potential explanation is that the Muslim Brotherhood, which renounced
violence during the seventies, has demonstrated a better way forward, and now
has eighty-eight seats in Parliament to show for its efforts.
While we should by no means blithely dismissal-Zawahiri’s announcement as
mere propaganda, neither should we assume that escalating anger at America
necessarily means increased material support for al-Qaeda. It is not a foregone
conclusion that as the region becomes more Islamist, the recruiting pool for
violent extremist organizations like al-Qaeda grows in concert. But it is
certainly a risk. EIG’s renunciation of violence appears genuine, but the
historical pattern suggests that it is not groups per se that moderate, but
rather generations of Islamists within those groups. Having spent almost a
quarter century in Egyptian prisons, their families suffering in poverty, the
formerly radical generation of Nageh Ibrahim and Karam Zuhdi has calculated that
it gained little by the assassination of al-Sadat or by violence against
Christians and the state. Younger generations, however, may choose to reject the
path of nonviolence and form splinter groups of their own, which is how
Islamic Jihad first came into being (as an offshoot of EIG), as did al-Takfir
wal Hijra before them (as an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood). While
incarceration may seem a logical means of containing the problem, the abuse,
torture and mutual indoctrination that accompany it have sometimes been a
radicalize rather than a moderating force. After all, Sayyid Qutb, Shukri
Mustafa of al-Takfir wal Hijra, and Ayman al- Zawahiri developed their most
extreme views whilein prison. It remains to be seen whether this is already
transforming a new era of Islamists into terrorists.
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