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Civil Society and Democratization in the
Arab World. Annual Report. 2004
Published July 2005
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Mauritania
Capital
:
Nouakchott
Date
of Independence :
28/11/1960
Area : 1,030,700 Km
Population (in millions) : 3.1 (est. 2005)
Rate of Population Increase : 2.9% (est. 2005)
Ethnic Groups : 40% Arab-Africans, 30% Arabs, 30% Africans (in
2003)
Religious Groups :
100% Muslims
Illiteracy : 59.2%
No. of Provinces : 12 states
Polity : Republic
Head of State : Mawia weld Sayed Ahmed Taye’e
No. of Political Parties : 15
GDP (in millions)ppp : $5,534 (2004)
GDP per Capitappp : $1,800 (2004)
Overview
Mauritania gained its independence
in 1960 after 60 years of French colonial rule. In 1978, a military
coup overthrew the one-party civilian government of Mokhtar weld
Daddah. Then in 1984 an internal power struggle within the military
brought Colonel Mawia weld Sayed Ahmed Taye’e as head of the
ruling junta. In 1992, weld Taye’e was elected president in
a deeply flawed multiparty election, the first to be held in the
country. Weld Taye’e then ruled at the head of virtually a
one-party regime when the main opposition parties boycotted the
1992 national elections. The Presidential elections that were held
on 7/11/2003 gave incumbent Taye’e another term. Since 1978
the country has suffered a series of either military coups or efforts
to overthrow the government. The Mauritanian people include the
Beydane (white Maurs) of Arab descent, and the Haratine (black Maurs).
Other non-Muslim black Africans inhabit the south frontier area
and constitute about one third of the population. Mauritania is
one of the world’s poorest countries and most of its vast
territory is arid land with little natural resources. Most of its
wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few elite who control the
country’s economy which is predominantly based on fishing
and iron ore exports.
Political Rights and Civil Liberties
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The Executive,
Political Parties and Elections. Mauritania took a step
towards political reform when Mauritanians in 2001 went to
the ballot boxes to choose their representatives for the first
time in relatively open national and municipal elections contested
by more than 15 political parties. However, the ruling Social
Democratic Republican Party (PRDS) was the only party that
fielded candidates in all constituencies; it also gained most
of the seats that would have gone to independent candidates,
after the electoral law was modified to ban independents.
The PRDS won 64 out of the National Assembly’s 81 seats.
In the 2002 municipal elections, which were free and fair,
only six opposition parties ran candidates. The opposition
won only 15% of the seats. In the November presidential elections,
President weld Taye’e won with 67% of the vote amid
widespread allegations of fraud. In fact the government arrested
the leading opposition presidential candidate a few days before
the elections, giving reasons of national security.
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The Judiciary,
Trials, and Detention. The judiciary is not independent.
Though the Constitution provides for judicial autonomy, in
practice the courts are deeply influenced by the executive
through the latter’s ability to appoint and dismiss
judges. Moreover, the system’s poorly educated and poorly
trained judges are vulnerable to social, financial and tribal
pressures. There is a modernized system of courts that are
all run on the basis of the Islamic principles of Shari’a.
Trials are fair and open and due process is observed; however
women are not treated as equal to men in all cases.
Arbitrary arrests and detentions are not infrequent but reports
indicate that there is a growing respect for the legal rights of
citizens. The application of constitutional safeguards vary from
case to case; while detention is supposed not to exceed 48 hours,
it can be extended up to 30 days in security cases. Attorneys are
not available to a prisoner until officially charged. Following
the suppression of the attempted military coup in June 2003, the
government arrested tens of suspects from all shades of the political
spectrum, and even the Secretary General of the ruling party was
arrested on June 22, and large numbers of suspects in the army,
the police and the bureaucracy were summarily fired without trial.
In 2004 lawyers of the defendants in the ensuing trials were also
subsequently arrested when they complained of serious irregularities
in the procedures that denied the defendants a fair hearing. There
is also evidence of systematic torture and inhuman treatment meted
out to those accused of subversive activities.
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Civil Society
and the Freedom of Association. The Constitution provides
for the freedom of association but in practice the government
imposes restrictions in order to suppress opposition parties
and organizations. All NGOs must register with the government.
About 600 NGOs exist, including human rights and anti-slavery
groups, which operate freely without hindrance though many
are critical of the government. Other NGOs though not yet
accorded official status are nevertheless not prevented from
functioning. Some black African groups and Islamist parties
are banned. Large meetings by political parties or NGOs require
prior permission from the local authorities. In 2003, the
government shut down the offices of several humanitarian institutions
belonging to the UAE, as well as the Saudi Islamic Institute
and the International Islamic Aid Institute. Workers are free
to join unions, and the right to strike but only subject to
the decision of an arbitration committee.
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Freedom of Speech
and the Media. The Constitution provides for freedom of
speech and the press; however, a system of pre-publication
censorship by the Interior Ministry severely constrains the
freedom of expression. All newspapers must register with the
Ministry of Interior. At present, 300 newspapers and journals
are licensed, but about 200 of these do not publish regularly,
and some others have not published at all. Some 25 newspapers
publish regularly including two that are government owned.
The law permits the suppression of any publication that discredits
Islam or endangers national security. Freedom of speech suffered
a regression in 2004 as the government cracked down on opposition
leaders, particularly those belonging to Islamic oriented
groups, and increased its suppression of human rights activists.
The broadcast media is government–owned and operated,
and strongly supports government views. The access of opposition
parties to radio and television is extremely limited. Satellite
TV and the internet are available without restrictions. Some
private newspapers maintain web sites that are not interfered
with by the government.
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Freedom of
Religion. The Constitution states that the country is
an Islamic Republic. However, the few Christian citizens and
the foreign Christian community practice their faith openly
and freely. On June 30, the government recognized only the
Maliki form of Islam, and banned mosques from taking part
in any political activity. Religious groups are not required
to register with the government but NGOs with religious affiliations—
which are all limited to humanitarian and development activities—are
required to register. There is nothing in the law books that
prohibits non-Muslims from proselytizing, but in fact, such
proselytizing is made impossible by the Press Act which prohibits
any publication that contradicts or threatens Islam. While
Christians may possess Bibles, they are neither printed nor
sold publicly. The government also suppressed suspected Islamic
extremists.
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Women and the
Marginalized. The Constitution provides for equality regardless
of sex or ethnic origin. But societal discrimination against
women is intrinsic to the country’s traditional culture.
Women rarely resorted to the legal system to redress wrongs,
preferring instead to resolve disputes within the extended
family or the ethnic group to which they belong. Domestic
mistreatment of women exists but seems to be on the decline.
Female Genital Mutilation “FGM” continues to be
widely practiced (75% of all women have suffered FGM), but
is currently on the decline in urban areas. The Constitution
provides for full political rights to women. In the November
elections they constituted the majority of voters. Five women
occupy ministerial level posts, and two are Secretaries of
State. Three women have seats in the 81-seat National Assembly,
and three in the 56-seat Senate.
Ethnic and cultural tensions and discrimination exist between the
nomadic Arabic-speaking herders in the North and Center of the country
and the cultivators in the South. Despite the prohibitions of slavery
since 1981, remnants of the practice continues. Minorities such
as the Black Moors, Halpulaars and Soninke are under-represented
in government, though in July 2003, a Black Moor, for the first
time, was appointed Prime Minister. These three minorities occupy
seven of the 21 ministerial posts, and are represented by ten members
in the 56-member Senate.
Prospects for Democratic Change
The country’s narrowly-based authoritarian regime has gradually
liberalized over the last decade, but most power remains in the
hand of the President and a very small elite. The Mauritanian society
remains largely tribal, and although the government has made some
progress lately to modernize yet the polity lacks many of the basic
democratic institutions. The strong role of the military in the
policies of the countrywith its attendant risks of fostering
a tendency toward military coupsremains a hindrance to the
development of civil society and the democratization of the regime.
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