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Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World. Annual Report. 2004
Published July 2005

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Mauritania


 

Capital : Nouakchott

Date of Independence : 28/11/1960
Area : 1,030,700 Km
Population (in millions)
: 3.1 (est. 2005)
Rate of Population Increase : 2.9% (est. 2005)
Ethnic Groups
: 40% Arab-Africans, 30% Arabs, 30% Africans (in 2003)

Religious Groups : 100% Muslims
Illiteracy : 59.2%
No. of Provinces : 12 states
Polity
: Republic
Head of State
: Mawia weld Sayed Ahmed Taye’e
No. of Political Parties : 15
GDP (in millions)ppp
: $5,534 (2004)
GDP per Capitappp
: $1,800 (2004)

 

Overview
 

Mauritania gained its independence in 1960 after 60 years of French colonial rule. In 1978, a military coup overthrew the one-party civilian government of Mokhtar weld Daddah. Then in 1984 an internal power struggle within the military brought Colonel Mawia weld Sayed Ahmed Taye’e as head of the ruling junta. In 1992, weld Taye’e was elected president in a deeply flawed multiparty election, the first to be held in the country. Weld Taye’e then ruled at the head of virtually a one-party regime when the main opposition parties boycotted the 1992 national elections. The Presidential elections that were held on 7/11/2003 gave incumbent Taye’e another term. Since 1978 the country has suffered a series of either military coups or efforts to overthrow the government. The Mauritanian people include the Beydane (white Maurs) of Arab descent, and the Haratine (black Maurs). Other non-Muslim black Africans inhabit the south frontier area and constitute about one third of the population. Mauritania is one of the world’s poorest countries and most of its vast territory is arid land with little natural resources. Most of its wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few elite who control the country’s economy which is predominantly based on fishing and iron ore exports.


 

Political Rights and Civil Liberties


 

    1. The Executive, Political Parties and Elections. Mauritania took a step towards political reform when Mauritanians in 2001 went to the ballot boxes to choose their representatives for the first time in relatively open national and municipal elections contested by more than 15 political parties. However, the ruling Social Democratic Republican Party (PRDS) was the only party that fielded candidates in all constituencies; it also gained most of the seats that would have gone to independent candidates, after the electoral law was modified to ban independents. The PRDS won 64 out of the National Assembly’s 81 seats. In the 2002 municipal elections, which were free and fair, only six opposition parties ran candidates. The opposition won only 15% of the seats. In the November presidential elections, President weld Taye’e won with 67% of the vote amid widespread allegations of fraud. In fact the government arrested the leading opposition presidential candidate a few days before the elections, giving reasons of national security.


 

    1. The Judiciary, Trials, and Detention. The judiciary is not independent. Though the Constitution provides for judicial autonomy, in practice the courts are deeply influenced by the executive through the latter’s ability to appoint and dismiss judges. Moreover, the system’s poorly educated and poorly trained judges are vulnerable to social, financial and tribal pressures. There is a modernized system of courts that are all run on the basis of the Islamic principles of Shari’a. Trials are fair and open and due process is observed; however women are not treated as equal to men in all cases.

Arbitrary arrests and detentions are not infrequent but reports indicate that there is a growing respect for the legal rights of citizens. The application of constitutional safeguards vary from case to case; while detention is supposed not to exceed 48 hours, it can be extended up to 30 days in security cases. Attorneys are not available to a prisoner until officially charged. Following the suppression of the attempted military coup in June 2003, the government arrested tens of suspects from all shades of the political spectrum, and even the Secretary General of the ruling party was arrested on June 22, and large numbers of suspects in the army, the police and the bureaucracy were summarily fired without trial. In 2004 lawyers of the defendants in the ensuing trials were also subsequently arrested when they complained of serious irregularities in the procedures that denied the defendants a fair hearing. There is also evidence of systematic torture and inhuman treatment meted out to those accused of subversive activities.

 

    1. Civil Society and the Freedom of Association. The Constitution provides for the freedom of association but in practice the government imposes restrictions in order to suppress opposition parties and organizations. All NGOs must register with the government. About 600 NGOs exist, including human rights and anti-slavery groups, which operate freely without hindrance though many are critical of the government. Other NGOs though not yet accorded official status are nevertheless not prevented from functioning. Some black African groups and Islamist parties are banned. Large meetings by political parties or NGOs require prior permission from the local authorities. In 2003, the government shut down the offices of several humanitarian institutions belonging to the UAE, as well as the Saudi Islamic Institute and the International Islamic Aid Institute. Workers are free to join unions, and the right to strike but only subject to the decision of an arbitration committee.

 

    1. Freedom of Speech and the Media. The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and the press; however, a system of pre-publication censorship by the Interior Ministry severely constrains the freedom of expression. All newspapers must register with the Ministry of Interior. At present, 300 newspapers and journals are licensed, but about 200 of these do not publish regularly, and some others have not published at all. Some 25 newspapers publish regularly including two that are government owned. The law permits the suppression of any publication that discredits Islam or endangers national security. Freedom of speech suffered a regression in 2004 as the government cracked down on opposition leaders, particularly those belonging to Islamic oriented groups, and increased its suppression of human rights activists. The broadcast media is government–owned and operated, and strongly supports government views. The access of opposition parties to radio and television is extremely limited. Satellite TV and the internet are available without restrictions. Some private newspapers maintain web sites that are not interfered with by the government.

 

    1. Freedom of Religion. The Constitution states that the country is an Islamic Republic. However, the few Christian citizens and the foreign Christian community practice their faith openly and freely. On June 30, the government recognized only the Maliki form of Islam, and banned mosques from taking part in any political activity. Religious groups are not required to register with the government but NGOs with religious affiliations— which are all limited to humanitarian and development activities—are required to register. There is nothing in the law books that prohibits non-Muslims from proselytizing, but in fact, such proselytizing is made impossible by the Press Act which prohibits any publication that contradicts or threatens Islam. While Christians may possess Bibles, they are neither printed nor sold publicly. The government also suppressed suspected Islamic extremists.


 

    1. Women and the Marginalized. The Constitution provides for equality regardless of sex or ethnic origin. But societal discrimination against women is intrinsic to the country’s traditional culture. Women rarely resorted to the legal system to redress wrongs, preferring instead to resolve disputes within the extended family or the ethnic group to which they belong. Domestic mistreatment of women exists but seems to be on the decline. Female Genital Mutilation “FGM” continues to be widely practiced (75% of all women have suffered FGM), but is currently on the decline in urban areas. The Constitution provides for full political rights to women. In the November elections they constituted the majority of voters. Five women occupy ministerial level posts, and two are Secretaries of State. Three women have seats in the 81-seat National Assembly, and three in the 56-seat Senate.

Ethnic and cultural tensions and discrimination exist between the nomadic Arabic-speaking herders in the North and Center of the country and the cultivators in the South. Despite the prohibitions of slavery since 1981, remnants of the practice continues. Minorities such as the Black Moors, Halpulaars and Soninke are under-represented in government, though in July 2003, a Black Moor, for the first time, was appointed Prime Minister. These three minorities occupy seven of the 21 ministerial posts, and are represented by ten members in the 56-member Senate.


 

Prospects for Democratic Change
 

The country’s narrowly-based authoritarian regime has gradually liberalized over the last decade, but most power remains in the hand of the President and a very small elite. The Mauritanian society remains largely tribal, and although the government has made some progress lately to modernize yet the polity lacks many of the basic democratic institutions. The strong role of the military in the policies of the countrywith its attendant risks of fostering a tendency toward military coupsremains a hindrance to the development of civil society and the democratization of the regime.

 
 

 
 
   
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