Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World. Annual Report. 2004
Published July 2005

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Oman

Capital : Masqat

Date of Independence : 1650

Area : 212,460 Km

Population (in millions) : 3 (est. 2005)

Rate of Population Increase : 3.32% (est. 2005)

Ethnic Groups : Arabs, Belushis,

South Asian (Indians, Pakistanis, Serilankis,

Bengalish, Africans)

Religious Groups : 75% Ibadi Muslims, 25% Shi’a Muslims, Christians and Hindu

Illiteracy : 24%

No. of Provinces : 6 regions and 2 governorates

Polity : Traditional monarchy

Head of State : Qaboos Ben Said Al Said

No. of Political Parties : There are no political parties

GDP (in millions)ppp : $38,090 (2004)

GDP per Capitappp : $13,100(2004)
 

Overview

Oman is the oldest independent state in the region. Indeed it was a sovereign state since 1650 when Sultan Bin Seif expelled the Portuguese from this south-east tip of the Arabian peninsula. Oman’s geographic location, as gateway to the Gulf, has great strategic importance. At present, Oman is ruled by descendents of the al-Busaid dynasty which came to power in 1749. Although Oman had developed in the mid nineteenth century into a commercial empire that extended up to the eastern coast of Africa, it gradually sank soon thereafter into decline and economic stagnation. Since then, Oman remained a backward and isolated state, until its present ruler, Sultan Qaboos, came to power in 1970. At that date, Oman had only about 10 Km of asphalt road, and no more than 1000 automobiles in the entire country. Sultan Qaboos, drawing on Oman’s modest revenues from oil, mounted a vigorous campaign to modernize the country and end its diplomatic isolation. Oil represents 40% of the country’s GDP but Oman is far less rich in oil than its Arab neighbors. Agriculture and fishing are major sources of income for many Omanies.
 

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

1. The Executive, Political Parties and Elections. Sultan Qaboos wields absolute power in both domestic and foreign affairs. There are no political parties in Oman, and no effective independent legislative body, or direct elections of any sort except to the 82-member Consultative Council (CC) which has no real legislative power. The so-called Parliament is composed of the C.C. and the State’s Councilpractically an arm of the executivemost of whose members are appointed by the ruler. The Consultative Council serves as a conduit between citizens and the government and also reviews all draft laws and makes legislative recommendations to the Sultan. The last elections of the C.C. were held in 2003. The Sultan maintains ultimate control over the electoral process and vets all candidates running for the Consultative Council. Thus in effect, there are no formal democratic institutions, and the Sultan has absolute power and the authority to rule by decree. Hence, citizens have no legal means to change their government. They may only petition the government indirectly through their traditional patrons or local governors or raise their grievances directly to the Sultan during his regular tours of the country.

2. The Judiciary, Trials, and Detention. The Judiciary, in violation of the Constitution, is in practice not independent, but subordinate to the Sultan who appoints all judges and has the final say on all court rulings. Secular courts handle misdemeanors and criminal cases while Sharia courts rule in Personal Status cases involving divorce, inheritance and other family issues. A State Security Court deals with cases referred to it by the government when deemed necessary. Trials in such courts are not public and there is no appeal of its verdicts; moreover defendants are not permitted to have defense lawyers. Arbitrary arrests and detentions are rare, but the police has the authority to arrest without need for a warrant to do so. Legal procedures are not often respected in the period of pretrial detention.

3. Civil Society and the Freedom of Association. The country’s Basic Charter provides for freedom of association and assembly; however, all NGOs must be registered with the government, and “their goals must be legitimate and their functioning in conformity with public law.” Due to the vague wording of the law governing NGOs many associations, particularly religious ones, are kept waiting for years to be granted a license. Civil Society is small and weak. There are presently about 10 registered NGOs that operate in the fields of culture, women’s concerns and community services, and 38 government-approved women’s associations, some of which are partially government-funded. There are no human rights organizations or any labor or trade unions. Public gatherings are allowed only after obtaining a prior governmental permit. Peaceful demonstrations are allowed by prior permission and the ban on strikes was lifted in April 2003.

4. Freedom of the Speech and the Media. The country’s Basic Charter (equivalent to a Constitution) provides for freedom of speech and the press as well as freedom of assembly; but in practice these are restricted. The government tolerates criticism on the internet but this barely receives coverage in the press. The Press and Publication Law (PPL) permits censorship of the press to purge anything that is “politically, culturally, or sexually offensive.” Journalists practiced self-censorship though the government tolerated some criticism, particularly with regard to foreign affairs. Criticism of the Sultan is totally prohibited in any form or medium. In November 2004, a newly formed Association of Journalists declared its intention to work towards enhancing the freedom of Journalists and the credibility of the press. There are five daily newspapers in Arabic and two in English, which the government subsidize with a view to discourage in-depth coverage of controversial domestic issues. The press usually expresses views consistent with those of the government. In October, the Gulf Press Freedom Organization was established to promote a free press and defend human rights and aid journalists professionally in the Gulf and Yemen. The state owns all broadcasting media which it uses to promote its policies and extol its achievements. No controversial material is aired. Satellite viewing is available; so is access to the internet, although the government blocks sites which it considers pornographic or dealing with politically sensitive topics. Cultural events, such as plays, concerts, lectures, seminars and conferences must obtain prior government permission; hence all organizers of cultural events avoid controversial subjects that might cause the authorities to deny permission. The government restricts academic freedom by setting boundaries to discussions of controversial topics, which if crossed could lead to dismissal.

5. Freedom of Religion. Islam is the state religion. Most Omanis are Sunni Muslims. There is, however, a small Shia minority and much smaller Christian and Hindu communities. In contrast to the situation in other Gulf States, the Shia in Oman are treated without any bias. Freedom of worship is available to all faiths provided it does not violate public order. Non-Muslim proselytizing is prohibited as well as the distribution of any non-Muslim literature. All non-Muslim associations must obtain a government license before they can operatea process that has sometimes lasted for years. Mosque sermons are expected to adhere to government guidelines and are monitored for possible political content that might be inimical to government policies.

6. Women and the Marginalized. Oman is one of the most progressive countries in the Gulf with respect to the rights of women. The government exerts great efforts to educate women, and has given them the right to vote and run in elections. Currently, women represent about 30% of registered voters. Four women have been appointed in 1999 to the States Council, and in the 2003 elections of the Consultative Council 262 thousand went to the polls of which 100 thousand were womendouble the number of women voters in the 2000 elections. The number of women candidates were 15, but only two won a seat on the Council. In 2003, a few women attained prominent status: one on the board of the Businessmens Council, and another, Aisha bin Khalfan, was elevated to the level of minister, thereby becoming the first woman in the entire Gulf region to attain such a post, and another woman was appointed ambassador to Holland. In 2004, three other women were appointed ministers. Women represent 33% of the workforce and hold about 30% of governmental jobs. They also enjoy equal educational opportunities. A government-sponsored Womens Association works with and helps 38 NGOs concerned with supporting women. Despite these gains women in Oman remain captive to traditional tribal customs that do not encourage womens participation in public life. Although women enjoy equal political rights they suffer from legal discrimination in matters that are subject to family law, and are victims of social biases that tend to maintain male dominance and keep many women from working.

Prospects for Democratic Change
 

The Sultan is considered by most of his peopleas well as by othersa capable and benevolent leader. His pursuit of economic reforms has been vigorous and yielded remarkable results, which preserved a high level of stability during the last three decades. But, on the political front, few reforms have been enacted, and the country lacks basic democratic institutions of governance. It is not expected that there will be any remarkable democratic changes in the near future.