Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World. Annual Report. 2004
Published July 2005

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Qatar
 

Capital : Doha

Date of Independence : 3/9/1971

Area : 1,437 Km

Population (in millions) : 0.9 (est. 2005)

Rate of Population Increase : 2.61% (est. 2005)

Ethnic Groups : 40% Arabs, 18% Pakistanis, 18% Indians

10% Iranians, 14% others

Religious Groups : 100% Muslims

Illiteracy : 17.6%

No. of Provinces : 9 municipalities

Polity : Traditional Monarchy

Head of State : Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani

No. of Political Parties : There are no political parties

GDP (in millions)ppp : $19,490 (2004)

GDP per Capitappp : $23,200 (2004)
 

Overview
 

This tiny Gulf state has succeeded in transforming itself in the last eight years from one of the poorest countries in the area, depending mainly on the pearl industry, into one of the highest per capita Gulf Emirates. Qatar has been ruled in the last 150 years by the al-Thani family, which had long adopted the stringent Wahhabi doctrine of Sunni Islam, founded in neighboring Saudi Arabia. In 1995, Crown Prince Hamad Bin Khalifa deposed this father the ruling Emir and immediately embarked on a wide set of economic and social reforms that have thoroughly transformed the country. Emulating his successful neighbor Dubai, he invested millions of dollars in the modernization of the infrastructure in the hope of establishing Qatar as a business and tourist center. Luxurious hotels were built and scores of amusement parks and nightclubs sprang up to cater to foreign visitors. In 1996, he invested $150 million in establishing the al-Jazeera satellite station which, by its bold approach in transmitting news and open discussion of the region’s problems, has acquired international recognition and is now watched by over 30 million viewers in the Arab World, and has enormously bolstered Qatar’s international prestige.
 

Political Rights and Civil Freedoms
 

1. The Executive, Political Parties and Elections. The Emir of Qatar has taken significant steps to liberalize the country. Political parties are disallowed and there is no organized opposition. The Emir holds absolute executive power, although he does consult on major issues with the Shura (Consultative) Council as well as with tribal chiefs and prominent figures. No national elections have ever been held. Municipal elections were held in 1999 in which 228 candidates, including 6 women, competed for the 29 seats of the Municipal Council. None of the women who ran won a seat despite the fact that it is estimated that 70% of all votes cast were by women! Election campaigns were conducted freely and the state’s TV station even provided coverage of the debates between opposing candidates. In 2003, new municipal elections were held in which one woman won a seat. The rate of voter participation, however, was low, ranging between 25% and 35% in the various municipalities. In 2004 a new Constitution was approved in a national referendum. The new Constitution mandates universal suffrage, separation between the three branches of government, freedom of speech and the press, and freedom of association. The new Constitution also replaced the old 35-member appointed Consultative Council which had no legislative power with a one that comprises 45 members, 30 of which are to be elected by the people, and 15 appointed by the Emir. Bills proposed by the Council if passed by a two-thirds majority are endorsed by the Emir and pass into law. The new Constitution, however, still does not allow the formation of political parties.

2. The Judiciary, Trials, and Detention. The new Constitution grants full autonomy to the judiciary, but in practice this cannot be fully credible since most judges are foreign nationals employed under contract which may not be renewed or may even be revoked at any time. A new law passed in 2002, which gives an expansive definition of terrorism, allows extensive periods of detention, up to six months, without trial, and opens the door to potential misuse by security forces. A separate system of Shari’a courts handles Personal Status cases and family matters. Trials are public and reasonably fair and defendants have the right to appeal verdicts. Arbitrary arrests by the police are relatively rare, but in certain security cases defendants have been held for prolonged periods before being brought to trial. However, detainees have the right to legal counsel, and due process is generally observed. The revoking of citizenship is frequently resorted to as punishment for political dissidents who provoked the ire of the authorities.

3. Civil Society and the Freedom of Association. The Constitution provides for freedom of association and assembly, but in practice these freedoms are severely restricted. Freedom of association is limited to professional and cultural groups that are registered with the Ministry of Social Affairs. Several activist groups concerned with issues of the environment, consumer protection, and Palestinian rights have been denied license. Public demonstrations are illegal, though in practice the government has tolerated anti-Israel protests. Workers were granted in 2004 the right to form autonomous unions, that may collectively negotiate with employers working conditions, wages, and time schedules. The government’s Labor Conciliation Board mediates disputes, and private sector workers are permitted to strike in case of failure of the mediation. Foreign nationals represent about 75% of the workforce and are often subjected to abuse by employers, which they frequently refrain from reporting for fear of losing their residency permit. The Human Rights movement gained a strong boost when the Emir in May 2003 decreed the establishment of the governmental National Committee for Human Rights which includes eight representatives from the various ministries as well as five prominent public figures including one woman. The role assigned to the Committee in the Royal Decree was “to ensure the implementation of the goals specified in all the international human rights conventions to which Qatar is a signatory.” However, the Decree has not indicated the mechanisms by which the Committee can attain the goals set for it. All the same, the existence of the Committee is bound to increase the awareness of human rights issues in Qatar.

4. Freedom of Speech and the Media. Freedom of expression is limited. The press has enjoyed a wide margin of freedom since Emir Hamad Bin Khalifa came to power in 1995. Numerous newspapers are published in Qatar with little government censorship. The broadcast media is mainly owned by the state and generally reflects the government’s views. Independent media outlets operate with little interference by the government, but exercise self-censorship particularly with regard to foreign policy or the members of the Royal Family. The al-Jezeera TV broadcasting station has gained international recognition for airing the views of political dissidents around the world but it steers clear of touching on domestic issues in Qatar.

5. Freedom of Religion. Islam is the official religion in Qatar, and all formal religious institutions are subject to the control of the Ministry of Islamic Affairs. The small Shi’a minority is allowed to practice openly short of organizing public ceremonies and rituals. Officially, non-Muslims may practice privately but are prohibited from all public worship. However, in 2000, the government authorized, for the very first time, the building of three churches to serve the large expatriate Western community working in Qatar, but none of these churches has been constructed to date. The laws also prohibited the import or the publishing of any non-Islamic religious literature.

   
    

6. Women and the Marginalized. The law accords men and women equal political rights, but legal Shari’a law discriminates against women in regard to the issues of divorce, inheritance and other family concerns. Women cannot obtain a driver’s license without the consent of a close male relative; and the killing of women in “honor” cases is treated with leniency. According to official statistics women hold 40% of the jobs in the private sector and 45% in the state’s bureaucracy. But few women hold top posts in the government. In 2003 Qatar was the first Gulf country to appoint a woman as a cabinet minister. The Emir’s sister also holds the ministerial title of Vice President of the Supreme Council of Family Affairs. However, most Qataris, men and women, do not favor a high level of participation by women in public life. Gender segregation is adopted in both the schools and the workplace.

II. Prospects for Democratic Change

Considerable gradual expansion of political rights and civil liberties has taken place since 1995, when Emir Hamad Bin Khalifa replaced his father. In the last two years this liberalizing trend accelerated rapidly, but the reform process has yet to be institutionalized. It appears that a major driving motive behind the recent stepped-up pace of reform is the government’s strategic decision to augment its partnership relation with the United States. While this policy orientation will likely expedite the democratization process it does carry some dangers if the Qataris, in general, and the major tribal groups in particular, come to perceive the process as merely the vehicle for a Western hegemony that seeks the destruction of the country’s Islamic values. It appears, though, that the Emir is determined to push for further liberal reforms, and his wife seems equally determined to spearhead a drive to support the cause of Qatari women.